Thursday, June 9, 2011

Giving away Kashmir – Part 3 BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO


Giving away Kashmir – Part 3 BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO
BY CT – MARCH 1, 2010
POSTED IN: POLITICS
This is the last post of a three-part series on how successive recent Indian governments have plotted to give away Kashmir. It is written by Dr. Ajay Chrungoo, Chairman of the Panun Kashmir, a frontline organization of Kashmiri Pandits. Dr. Chrungoo is a guest writer with Canary Trap.

http://canarytrap.in/2010/03/01/giving-away-kashmir-part-3/

BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO

The Working Group on Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) never discussed anti-terrorism measures as an important confidence building measure for the return of normalcy in Jammu and Kashmir. It did not at all debate the relevance of anti-terrorism laws in the state in the light of the ongoing terrorist campaign. It did not even cursorily address the human rights violation in the state due to terrorism. The Working Group focused primarily on the state specific aspects of human rights violations just as Amnesty International and Asia Watch used to do in 1990’s.

The mindset employed can be understood by the written admission of the Working Group on CBMs while dealing with the question of internally displaced Kashmiri Hindus, “the Working Group concerns itself with the rehabilitation and improvement of conditions of the militancy victims and did not go deeper into the causes or the genesis of the militancy in the state.” The Working Groups followed a clear cut direction to ignore all issues which would bring into focus the issues of ideologically motivated violence in the state and bring the ugly side of armed Muslim separatism in the state to light. Their recommendations were meticulously in line with the separatist demands.

The Working Group on CBMs recommended abrogation of Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), relief not only to the victims of terrorism but the families of the killed terrorists, create conditions for the return of persons to Jammu and Kashmir who had gone to Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Pakistan for training and organizing support for armed separatism etc. Only lip service was rendered to all other issues, including the problems faced by refugees, who had come from West Pakistan, while the PoK refugees of 1947 were not even mentioned in the report. The political motivation at work from behind can also be clearly understood by reading some recommendations of the same Working Group. The recommendations state, “To start unconditional dialogue process with militant groups for finding sustainable solutions to the problems of militancy….To examine the role of media in generating an image of the people of the state so as to lessen the indignity and suspicion that the people face outside the state”. The group on strengthening Relations across LoC never even considered the issue of illegal economy in the state and impact on it by cross LoC trade. It never discussed the issue of Middle East based business mafia seeking to suck up Jammu and Kashmir into its lap even when the leaders of the business committee in Kashmir have been openly canvassing with their fraternity that cross LoC trade would integrate Kashmir Valley with the economy of Middle East, not Pakistan.

Using the separatists

The Working Group recommendations strengthened the processes already unleashed to bring about economic and political integration of the Muslim majority areas of Jammu with the overwhelmingly Muslim Kashmir valley. Construction of Mughal Road (connecting Poonch-Rajouri with Kashmir through Shopian-Pulwama), and Sinthan Top Road (connecting mountainous Kishtwar district with Anantnag) were given further impetus. The handing over of the national power projects to J&K government assumed new stridency during the RTCs and WG meetings and the subsequent recommendations have already created an agenda for developing the infrastructure (economic, legal and political) for the Greater Muslim Kashmir.

During the deliberations of the third RTC, the Muslim representatives from Kargil vehemently opposed the concept of demilitarization and brought to light the humane role played by Indian security establishment for the people living in Kargil, Drass and other remote areas. The entire exposition eventually was ignored and never allowed to be known in the rest of the country primarily because GoI had already embarked upon the process of demilitarization. In the same RTC, the then MLA from Bandipore addressed the PM and said, “Sir, why was the All Party Hurriyat Conference Chief Syed Ali Shah Gilani released from jail before this conference. What was the assessment of Govt of India? If he was released why was he allowed to address a public rally at the airport itself? What was the assessment of GoI about this? Do you know Sir that Lashkar-e-Taiba flags were flaunted in this rally? Do you know Sir what were the slogans raised in the rally? Sir, they raised the slogans – Lashkar Aayi, Lashkar Aayi, Manmohan ki Maut Aayi, Azad ki maut Aayi.” The release of the radical pro-Pakistan Hurriyat leader retrospectively seems to have a purpose. Gilani was perhaps released to raise the din of radical demands outside so that the proposals of Self Rule, Greater Autonomy raised by Peoples Democratic Party and National Conference within RTC appear to be moderate options and could be endorsed.

The attitude of Government of India to Jamaat, Ali Shah Gilani and Dukhtaran-e-Millat (DeM) appears to have a purpose when we see that it is the GoI which is investing in pushing through the Kathwari/Dixon plan as a solution. While all other separatist leaders have lost their credibility and potential to mobilize public, it is only Syed Ali Shah Gilani, DeM and Jamaat-e-Islami which can keep the pot boiling in the public and provide the required pressure and momentum to the Indian government for giving concessions. It is well known that whenever the government acted firmly on the ground, the Intifada never took off. And it assumed the proportions of an uprising when the Indian government publicly declared retraction of its authority from the ground. Omar Abdullah asked the Prime Minister in one of the RTCs as to why has been Government of India always befriending and encouraging such elements in J&K who have a manifest anti-India stand on Kashmir.

Giving away of Kashmir is basically a process of recasting the concepts of sovereignty of Indian Nation, its frontiers and its secular vision. The Self Rule document of PDP, which many believe has been prepared by Government of India, openly talks about redefining the concepts of nation, sovereignty, ethnicity, regions etc. When the Indian government talks about porous borders, rendering borders irrelevant, settlement between stakeholders, it is talking about a fundamental ideological shift in the nation building vision. To qualify them as tactical interventions or strategic imperatives, right or wrong, will be a gross misjudgment.

Bogey of US pressure

To those who pose serious questions about the gradual process of capitulation in Jammu and Kashmir conducted and calibrated by sections of the State, the argument put forward to silence them in the back channels is the intense international pressure brought about by USA and China on India. It is not incidental that one of the first public expressions of a ‘Two Front’ situation for India has been given by none other than Brijesh Mishra, the National Security Advisor to Vajpayee Government and one of the brains which set the peace process with Pakistan rolling. Prodded and patronized by the State, a voluntary censorship seems to be in vogue not to discuss the content and quality of this pressure. It is true that even after 9/11 the United States has not given any indication that it has changed its policy on Kashmir or Pakistan vis-a-vis India. But it is also true that at a time when it is being parroted from within India that GoI has been forced to enter into a dialogue with Pakistan under US pressure, American government has publicly released the information about terrorists arrested in the US which link the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai directly to serving officers in Pakistani Army. The statement of Robert Gates that India may loose its reserves of restrain in case of one more terrorist attack on Indian soil was less a prodding in favour of a dialogue and concession to separatists and more a warning to Pakistan.

This is not to say that the US is not seeking such cooperation from India which addresses its concern more than Indian concerns. The fact is that the US has a lesser leverage to exert pressures on India than it had before 9/11. Before the terror attacks on twin towers in New York, US government had its relations intact with Pakistan and rest of the radical Muslim countries around the Middle East. It had not entered Iraq and was exploring a relationship with Taliban. Now the situation is different. The US, by the admission of its own experts, is over stretched and needs India more in an atmosphere of global recession than any time in history. Why is Government of India more than willing to accommodate American view now than it has been ever before? Not only that, why are propaganda campaigns like the suspension of aid to Jammu and Kashmir by World Bank (because it has suddenly woken up to recognize Jammu and Kashmir as a dispute) left uncontested? That too when the representative of the bank has clarified that they are continuing to finance many projects in India including Jammu and Kashmir.

The bogey of increasing international pressure is being crafted from within to target Indian public opinion at a time when dialogue with separatists is going on and Pakistan is unraveling from within. A section from within the government and the political establishment wants to present a compromise in Jammu and Kashmir as a deliverance to the nation from a perpetual confrontation, even if it means abandoning its frontiers, its people in the state, its civilisational responsibility, central features of its eco-heritage, secularism and everything which India stands for.

I participated in the first SAFMA conference in New Delhi immediately after a group of Pakistani Journalists had for the first time visited Jammu and Kashmir. During the lunch session of the conference I overheard a conversation between the visiting Pakistani journalist and an official of the Pakistani embassy in India. The journalist was telling the official in Urdu that Indians, while talking about settlement of Kashmir issue, always say that they cannot allow second Partition of India. The Pakistani official retorted back that Gandhi and Nehru also used to say like this before the partition. (Concluded)

Giving away Kashmir – Part 2 BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO


Giving away Kashmir – Part 2 BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO

BY CT – FEBRUARY 28, 2010
POSTED IN: POLITICS
This is the second post of a three-part series on how successive recent Indian governments have plotted to give away Kashmir. It is written by Dr. Ajay Chrungoo, Chairman of the Panun Kashmir, a frontline organization of Kashmiri Pandits. Dr. Chrungoo is a guest writer with Canary Trap.

http://canarytrap.in/2010/02/28/giving-away-kashmir-part-2/

BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO

When Kathwari was invited to India along with his proposals ‘Kashmir: A Way Forward’, it marked a major change in the strategic perspectives of Indian State. Kathwari’s plan was a rechristened Dixon Formula. It envisaged a quasi-independent or eventually independent Greater Muslim Kashmir. To Dixon, doing this was completing the ‘unfinished agenda’ of Partition of India.

Nehru from the inception was opposed to an Independent Kashmir. He had outrightly communicated to Muslim leaders of Kashmir that, “he would prefer to hand over the State to Pakistan on a platter rather than support its independence and allow it to be turned into a centre of international intrigue and danger to both India and Pakistan.” It is not to say that Nehru and his successors till Vajpayee considered independence or quasi-independence for Jammu and Kashmir as a political blasphemy. There is a lot of evidence available to suggest that Nehru and his successors in Congress flirted with these options but predominantly from a tactical perspective. For strategic planners in India, counterpoising independence or autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir to counter pro-Pak sentiment in the State has always been a very attractive option. They always believed that keeping these options alive, and also nourishing them would provide India leverage to wrong foot Pakistan. Bereft of the profound understanding of the issues involved and oblivious of the implications they flaunted this maneuver more often than less as a strategic necessity. By accepting independence or quasi-independence options as possible concepts for clinching a deal with Pakistan, India has virtually checkmated itself. Pakistanis now publicly claim that they are actually agreeing to India’s position and so there should be no delay in a final settlement.

The formulation that two-nation theory can be countered only by a three-nation theory is turning out to be a fatal self goal. Both theories are ideologically one and the same. Cutting the two-nation politics into regional or ethnic denominators does not resolve its basic incompatibility with a state based on recognition of plural diversity on the principle of equality. Breaking away of Bangladesh from Pakistan only solved the problem of power sharing within the frame work of the bigger Pakistan. It did not resolve the conflict with an inclusive secular nation because it defined its separation from India on the same principle of two-nation theory.

The symbiotic relation which Pakistan evolved between pro-Pak and pro-independence/autonomy politics in Jammu and Kashmir could not be properly comprehended within the framework of the strategic perspective of India. This perspective visualized harnessing of Muslim identity politics and constitutionally fortifying Muslim sub-nationalism in the State as not only an antidote to Pakistan in Jammu and Kashmir but also an effective device to mobilize Muslim vote bank in rest of India. It considered Muslim communalism in India as merely a reaction to the tyranny of Hindu majority. The entire approach over the years has become not only a device to circumvent the issue of Muslim communalism in India but to protect and nourish it.

Despite all this, till Kathwari’s visit, Indian State had not totally closed its eyes to the incompatibility of an autonomous sphere of Muslim interests in Jammu and Kashmir with the secular nation building. That explains why over the years the process of erosion of article 370 remained alive. Extension of jurisdiction of Supreme Court of India, CAG, fundamental rights and many other central laws was an expression to dissolve this incompatibility. A dominant section of Indian State and the political establishment never agreed to elevate Article 370 from a transitory provision to a permanent feature of Indian constitution. The strategic paradigm of fortifying Muslim identity politics in Jammu and Kashmir and rest of India to negate the appeal of two-nation theory has lead to the creation of broadly two sections within Indian State and the political establishment.

One such section has been that always had a subversive motivation and visualized recognition to Muslim Sub-nationalism in Jammu and Kashmir as a space to build a Greater Muslim Kashmir and use this to impair the indivisible unity of Indian Republic from within. This section always wanted Muslim identity politics in Jammu and Kashmir to be alive and kicking to use it as a cardinal insult to balkanize India along its sub-national diversity.

The second segment constitutes of those who gave more credence to the tactical value of harnessing Muslim sub-nationalism, but only to weaken the appeal of Pakistan in Jammu and Kashmir. While keeping the affront to Muslim identity politics to the minimum this section however did try to neutralize the disruptive potential of special status of Jammu and Kashmir to the unity of India. This group nourished a misplaced wish that eventually Indian democracy will prove to be a stronger force and Muslim identity politics in the state will loose its relevance. This group has premised their approach on the line that Muslim communalism has not to be contested; it has to be given minimum affront and the best choice is to circumvent it.

Over the years there has been a ping pong battle between these two mindsets; one seeking to delegitimise the religious identity politics, the other doing everything to consolidate Greater Muslim Kashmir. When Muslim majority Doda was carved out of the Hindu majority Jammu province in 1948, followed by carving out of Shia Muslim majority Kargil out of Buddhist majority Ladakh, we were witnessing the counter responses to the process of fuller integration of Jammu and Kashmir unleashed not from Pakistan but from within. Nehruvian strategic paradigm kept this internal conflict in the nation building process alive.

The promotion of Kathwari plan by Vajpayee government marked the demise of this strategic perspective. The new paradigm recognizes the three nation proposals of independence or semi-independence of Kashmir as a solution to Indo-Pak conflict rather than a tactical antidote to the two-nation vision. Recognizing Pakistan as a partner in settling the future of the only Muslim majority state of India has not only made the settlement on Jammu and Kashmir as the unfinished agenda of partition but opened afresh the Muslim question in India. The support extended by eminent Muslims like AG Noorani or Shabana Azmi or Wajahat Habibullah to the separatist cause in Kashmir have the sinister forebodings of the new confidence of a section of Indian Muslim elite to question the very unity of the nation. Vajpayee’s strategic vision underlined that the frontline Muslim state of Pakistan can live in harmony with a secular and Hindu majority India. This shift in India’s strategic perspective is of the nature of a mutation. From visualizing the creation of an Independent Greater Muslim Kashmir as more dangerous than its secession to Pakistan and a potential hot bed of international intrigue, the new perspective seems to view the creation of the same as a bridge of peace between Pakistan (a confessional ideological State) and India (a secular state).

Giving away Kashmir

Manmohan Singh’s tenure has carried the strategic shift further away from the Nehru-Gandhi era.  The peace with Pakistan at any price seems to be getting internalized in a way that it has become more than a strategic necessity — an ideological imperative. The subversive entrenchment within, emboldened by its increasing reach and sway, is gradually succeeding in harnessing the might and wherewithal of the State itself to mount a concerted attack on the Nation.

The three Round Table Conferences and the meetings of the various Working Groups and the conclusions thereof are manifest examples of how Indian State is made to invest in creating a Greater Muslim Kashmir.

A section of pro-India participants, invited to the first Round Table Conference (RTC), did debate the wisdom of participating in it. They had legitimate apprehensions that the conduct of such a conference was in fact an exercise to accord democratic legitimacy to certain concessions that Government of India was ready to make to Pakistan and the separatists in the Valley. The Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had already had series of very high profile meetings with a section of separatist leadership. These meetings, lasting for hours, along with the top most officers of Government of India had catapulted the separatist leadership into the national and international limelight once again at a time when their credibility on the ground was at the lowest. The Chenab Solution, which had prominently come to the public realm after Vajpayee invited Kathwari and sent his special emissary Sh. R K Mishra to start a dialogue process with Pakistan, had  attained the stature of a possible solution considered more by the Government of India than by Pakistan. Was the participation of pro-India leadership in Jammu and Kashmir in the Round Table Conference along with the separatist leadership sought to give an impression of involving everyone so that the compromise already worked out could be presented as a fate accompli to the wider national opinion? Retrospectively, this apprehension seems to have been well founded. At that time however the opinion that Round Table Conference accorded legitimacy to the diversity of political opinion in the State and presented an opportunity to show the separatists their position in over all political environment of the state clinched the argument against dissociating from the RTC.

Through the three RTC’s and the Working Groups, GOI pushed through all such proposals, which have critically strengthened the processes for the creation of Greater Muslim Kashmir. A process of reconciliation with separatism on their terms has by now been firmly grounded through a series of administrative, quasi-legal and political maneuvers. These measures are such that they do not need a legislative sanction of the Indian Parliament and as such are not dependent upon the political consensus.

The deliberations in RTC’s and Working Groups amply reflect a deliberation in implementing an agenda which had already been unleashed. The very architecture of the RTC’s was developed in a way were Government of India was placed as a neutral arbitrator between pro-India opinion and those who wanted to change the status quo of the relation between Jammu and Kashmir and the Union of India. Many times Government of India seemed to facilitate the separatist agenda by maintaining stoic silence even when the Muslim leadership of the valley put forward misplaced constitutional arguments or historically unfounded and false propositions undermining the very accession of the state with India and attacking its sovereignty. When none other than Omar Abdullah said in the very first RTC that, “we have signed only instrument of accession and not instrument of merger,” the statement had profound implications needing a proper response from the highest in the Government of India. In the same meeting the leader of PDP and then Cabinet Minister in the state government, Sh Muzaffar Beigh said, “Article 370 had a treaty status”. He opined that this treaty had developed after an understanding between Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir and Constituent Assembly of India, both of which as per him were sovereign bodies. This blatant falsehood and sinister twist was never contested by Government of India.

A section of Indian State and political establishment seem to be allowing blatant falsehoods aimed at wrecking the sovereignty of the nation in Jammu and Kashmir in such a way so that public at large, not only in J&K but in rest of India as well as internationally, is convinced that India has no case in J&K. The deliberations in the Working Groups were also conducted in a manner to undermine all legitimate imperatives of national interests. Government of India is mirroring the attitudes which the British Government adopted in the build up to the partition of India.

Giving away Kashmir – Part 1 BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO



Giving away Kashmir – Part 1 BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO

BY CT – FEBRUARY 27, 2010
This is a three-part series on how successive recent Indian governments have plotted to give away Kashmir. It is written by Dr. Ajay Chrungoo, Chairman of the Panun Kashmir, a frontline organization of Kashmiri Pandits. Dr. Chrungoo is a guest writer with Canary Trap.

BY DR. AJAY CHRUNGOO

For so many years we have concerned ourselves primarily with how Pakistan seeks to take away Jammu and Kashmir. We are perhaps getting too late to intensely involve ourselves with how a section of Indian State and the political class have been, over the years, crafting the giving away of Jammu and Kashmir. The unilateral submission of the report of the Working Group on Centre-State Relations by its Chairman Justice Sagir Ahmad to the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir is only a reflection on the relentless campaign to keep the Muslim Question in India alive and transform the vision of secularism into an albatross around the neck of Indian nation, fixing its limbs into inaction, so that the Muslim Power continues to inch eastwards through successive partitions of India.

A sinister course correction

The report, submitted by Justice Sagir in the name of Working Group on Centre-State Relations, was done without completing the agenda of the Working Group; without taking most of the members of the Working Group into confidence; without seeking the opinion of the members on the draft of the report; and last but not the least, without formally winding up the proceedings of the Working Group. It seems that the entire exercise is aimed at some sort of a course correction crafted by those who have prefixed the direction and the outcome of the internal dialogue on Jammu and Kashmir. There are pertinent reasons to think so.

The delay in submission of the report by Justice Sagir was certainly causing worry which found expression once in a while in the public sphere. On March 10, 2008 a prominent local daily in Jammu and Kashmir reported National Conference (NC) patron Dr Farooq Abdullah blaming New Delhi for not being serious towards the resolution of the Kashmir dispute and quoted him making direct and almost indicatory references about the Working Group on Centre-State Relations. He said, “appointment of a Muslim Judge to give report on the contentious issue of centre state relations reflects their whimsical approach…. The report could have catastrophic consequences for Justice Sagir.” As per the report of Kashmir Times, Dr Abdullah maintained that reluctance of Justice Sagir in convening another round of meeting of the Working Group reflects his understanding of “how the contents of the report could impact his career prospects.”  The newspaper further quotes Dr Abdullah as having said, “…in a country where the minorities are under suspicion all the time, expecting Justice Sagir to give a report which could maintain his image of being a nationalist would be a little irrational.” In his expressions, Dr Abdullah referred to the population dynamics in the country, “If the centre would have been serious, Justice Sachar would have been the best choice”. He openly confessed about his resentment on the appointment of Justice Sagir at the time when the heads of the working groups were being chosen and frankly said, “I resisted his name, since I knew the repercussions of (his) heading this crucial Working Group on centre-state relationships…”

The statement clearly brings out that a person of the stature of Dr Farooq Abdullah had a clear-cut expectation from the Working Group on Centre-State Relations and an apprehension whether the person like Justice Sagir would be able to deliver the same.

It is relevant to quote what Prof Amitabh Mattoo was saying months before Justice Sagir submitted his report given the fact that he has been one of the more visible backchannel actors in the engagement between Pakistan, India, separatists and the so called moderates in Kashmir. He wrote in early October: “An important working group of the Prime Minister on J&K dealt with centre state relations but it was unable to arrive at a breakthrough. This doesn’t mean that we have a cul-de-sac. There are many proposals on the table including those on autonomy, self rule, self governance and achievable nationhood….These internal discussions must flow into the backchannel which can then attempt to work out a non-territorial India-Pakistan settlement on J&K based on providing a similar political architecture on both sides of the line of control working towards converting the LoC into Line of Peace, that allows free movement of people, goods, services and ideas.”

The way Justice Sagir submitted his report has some resonance in the way National Conference submitted the Greater and Regional Autonomy Reports. Like the constitution of Working Group on Centre and State Relations the Dr Abdullah government constituted the Committees on Greater Autonomy and Regional Autonomy after coming to power in 1996; giving an impression of adopting a non-partisan and inclusive process. He made Dr Karan Singh the Chairman of the Greater Autonomy Committee and made another non-Muslim — Balraj Puri — to function as Working Chairman of the Regional Autonomy Committee. Sooner than later Dr Karan Singh resigned and Balraj Puri was forced out. The reports of the State Autonomy Committee was suddenly finalized, submitted to the government and then pushed into the State assembly for adoption.

The Regional Autonomy report of NC envisaged the division of the state along the same lines as former Pakistan President Pervez Musharaff did later on. It put the division of Jammu province into Muslim and Hindu majority domains firmly on the agenda for the settlement of the Kashmir issue. Balraj Puri later wrote about the proposed breaking of the existing regions in the State: “Though re-demarcation or creation of a region or a district was not included in the terms of reference of the committee, I still sought a clarification from the chief minister who categorically ruled out consideration of any such demand….. I sent my report to all members and the chief minister in all humility for favour of their kind consideration, scrutiny and comments. Despite a reminder, I did not receive any comment……. I received a letter from the Chief Secretary on 21 January 1999 that my term had expired on 31 December 1998. Through another order dated 4 March1999, the term of the Committee minus me was extended in a similar retrospective way w.e.f 31 December 1998 till 31 March….It seems an alternate 28 page report was hastily got drafted and signed by three out of six original members which was tabled in the legislative assembly when it was about to adjourn sine die on 16 April.”  What made the then Chief Minister Dr Farooq Abdullah to suddenly abandon the pretensions of accommodation and legitimate consultation, and like Justice Sagir did recently, push through the reports having a bearing on the future of the state?

Pre-fixed destination

The entire peace engagement, internal as well as external, has a pre-fixed objective for a well entrenched lobby and every process employed by the Government of India is being judged on the yardstick of this objective. When PDP released its Self Rule document, not in front of the Working Group on Centre-State relations, but in Pakistan, NC President Omar Abdullah openly blamed the Indian High Commission in Pakistan of having facilitated the entire process. The Indian foreign ministry chose not to contradict the allegation. There are many Kashmiri analysts who privately believe that the Self Rule document is the creation of some section of PMO. In the recent past, we have many instances where the Indian government acted almost in tandem with the Muslim leadership of the Kashmir Valley (mainstream and the separatist).

During former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s regime, a USA based Kashmiri secessionist leader, lobbyist and fund-raiser, Farooq Kathwari, arrived in India. He came with the full knowledge of the Indian government in March 1999, carrying a series of proposals for the creation of an independent Kashmiri State. At that time, both USA and the Indian government underplayed his jihadi connections. His son had died in Chechnya while fighting the Russians. He met very important persons belonging to Indian intelligence service and the ruling BJP. On March 8, Kathwari had a closed door meeting with Dr Farooq Abdullah and a group of his top Cabinet colleagues on the premises of Secretariat in Jammu. This meeting induced the urgency into the Dr Abdullah Government to come out with its reports on greater and regional autonomy in the state. During his visit, Kathwari seemed ‘encouraged enough to push ahead with a new version of his blue print for the solution of Kashmir’. The blue print — Kashmir: A Way Forward — later became commonly known as Kathwari Proposals. The National Conference reports had ‘striking similarities’ with Kathwari proposals as the later had with Dixon’s proposals. Noted columnist Praveen Swami, while commenting about this convergence wrote, “As significant, Abdullah’s maximalist demands for autonomy dovetail with the KSG’s (Kashmir Study Group) formulations of a quasi Sovereign State.”

It was not a coincidence that almost simultaneously the Indian and Pakistani Foreign Ministers would meet in the Sri Lankan capital Colombo in March 1999 and reach an agreement envisaging ‘plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir on regional/district basis’, ‘maximum possible autonomy to Kashmir and its adjoining areas’, division of Jammu province along the Chenab River and so on. Significantly, the BJP-lead NDA was in power at that time.

The Regional Autonomy report of NC advocated dividing the State into its Muslim and non-Muslim domains, exactly the same way Kathwari envisaged. Pushing Balraj Puri, the Working Chairman of the regional Autonomy Committee, out of the decision-making loop was a course correction applied to see the endorsement of the Greater Muslim Kashmir to which he probably would not have agreed.

It is highly improbable to conceive that Dr Farooq Abdullah, who was also the Chief Minister, was not adequately briefed by Government of India about the purpose of Kathwari’s visit to India. Even if he was not, it is more improbable to think that Americans didn’t educate him. Kathwari’s closeness to the US State Department and his presence in India with his “way forward’ proposals on Jammu and Kashmir was more than a hint for NC to move fast enough to finalize the reports of his government on greater and regional autonomy and push it through the state assembly where NC had a two third majority.

To be fair to Justice Sagir, he refused to take into consideration definite signals from the interested quarters in the Government of India to fall in line and took his time. He in fact took undue time, in the view of those, who are in a haste to strike a deal with the separatists and Pakistan. In the very first meeting of the Working Group, to the clarification of a query posed by this author as to whether decisions will be taken in the Working Group by a majority vote or total consensus, Justice Sagir had assured that report of the WG will be finalized only if there was a total consensus. During the deliberations of the Working Group, this author, while making his expositions on the  Greater Autonomy report of NC attracted the intense attention of the Chairman while making the following comment, “Sir, While coming to participate in this Working Group I was acutely conscious of the fact that I have the responsibility of the very survival of my community on my shoulders, during the deliberations which have taken place here I have come to realize that I have the responsibility of the minorities of the State on my shoulders. After listening to the expositions of NC, PDP and even Congress I feel I have the responsibility of the minorities of the entire country on my shoulders. Sir I am sure that you will agree with me that you also have the responsibility of the minorities of this nation on your shoulders while conducting this Working Group.”

Justice Sagir could not have submitted the report, which he eventually did, if he would have followed the due process of first completing the remaining agenda of the Working Group, then submitting the draft report for acceptance by the members, seeking a total consensus on it as he had promised and then duly winding up the proceedings of the Working Group. When he changed midway the agenda for the fourth meeting of the Working Group and incorporated the presentation of Wajahat Habibullah, he left no one in doubt about his helplessness by offering no answers when the members asked him the reasons for doing so. He looked with embarrassment towards his secretary in the Group, Sh. Ajit Kumar, perhaps telling us that someone else had taken this decision. Justice Sagir could not have submitted the report if he would have listened to his conscience, which he did for sometime. He eventually neither disappointed Dr Farooq Abdullah nor that section in Government of India for whom the unfinished work of the Working Group was becoming a major hurdle. Submission of a report, which at least will not come in the way of the pre-fixed objectives of the so called search for peace with Pakistan, had perhaps become an imperative necessity.

Friday, June 3, 2011

The Hindu : News / National : Music, humour and yoga at Ramlila Grounds

The Hindu : News / National : Music, humour and yoga at Ramlila Grounds


Devotional and patriotic songs on Saturday reverberated across the Ramlila Grounds, the site of yoga guru Baba Ramdev’s hunger strike against black money, as his discourse was laced with humour and demonstration of ’asanas’

A music-filled morning greeted the thousands of people who poured into the sprawling site to see and listen to Baba Ramdev.

At 4:50 am, the yoga guru came on the dais accompanied by saffron-clad monks and he was joined by radical Sangh Parivar leader Sadhvi Ritambara and Muslim and Sikh religious leaders.

One-man show

It was almost a one-man show by Baba Ramdev who conducted the proceedings, interspersing yoga demonstration, discourse and music with a bit of humour to spice up the proceedings.

Whenever religious leaders came on the dais, Baba Ramdev would introduce, apparently to project that his movement was not sponsored by RSS or any other organisation.

Baba Ramdev continuously addressed the gathering and was followed by Sadhvi Ridambara who lavished praise on the Baba saying “if there were more Vallabbhai Patels, then there was no need for a sanyasi to sit on satyagraha.”

Maulvi Rizvi complimented the Sadhvi for her speech and said “this is not Mullah Omar’s Taliban. This is Hindustan,” drawing thunderous applause.

Message for the Obese!

Baba Ramdev was at his humorous best when he told his followers that the hunger strike will help them in two ways.

“Hamara mota bhai aur moti baheno ke liye yeh satyagrah health benefits dega aur desh ke liye wealth mil jayega” (while the hunger strike will help slim obese brothers and sisters, it will also bring wealth to the country)”.

He said support from politicians is welcome but they cannot make speeches.

“They can support us but they cannot make speeches because it leads to controversy,” he said.

The yoga guru then gave instructions to those who were fasting along with him, saying “we have arranged for water and lemon juice but don’t drink in large quantities.”

“By making this call, we can awaken the country. We have received more than 55 lakh missed calls already.

Sometime, we will cross a record one crore mark to remove corruption,” he said, referring to his campaign.

Bhojpuri star at agitation site

Bhojpuri superstar Manoj Tiwari was the first celebrity to reach Ramlila Maidan, the site of Baba Ramdev’s hunger strike. The popular singer-actor claimed that he had told his producer that he will not shoot for a month from June 4 as he wanted to join Baba Ramdev in his campaign against black money.

Tiwari began with Mahatma Gandhi’s favourite bhajan ’Raghupati Raghav Rajaram’ and also sang other patriotic songs.

A young sadhu, who claimed to be a Bhuddhist yoga teacher, was seen recording the performance on his Blackberry.

Keywords: Baba Ramdev fast, India corruption, black money issue

The Hindu : Opinion / Editorial : The habit of covering up

The Hindu : Opinion / Editorial : The habit of covering up

Two years into UPA-II, Sonia Gandhi made the brave statement at a celebratory event that the Congress-led coalition would “take corruption head on” and “demonstrate through actions, not words, that we mean what we say.” She went so far as to claim that “transparency, accountability and probity are the very heart of our governance.” Prime Minister Manmohan Singh sounded similar sentiments in lower key, acknowledging that public concern over the “pervasiveness of corruption” was legitimate and pledging that his government would take “corrective action” and would not hesitate to act against “misuse of public office.” Considering how low the credibility of the UPA government has sunk on the issues of corruption and abuse of power — notwithstanding the Prime Minister's undisputed personal financial integrity — the task is uphill all the way. The 2-G spectrum allocation scam is India's biggest ever corruption scandal. Conducted right under the Prime Minister's nose and in defiance of the caution he advised, the scam progressed, enjoying immunity from serious investigation for an inordinately long time. But thanks to a rare combination of factors — the most important of which are public pressure, in part generated by the news media, and judicial intervention — some progress has been made by the Central Bureau of Investigation in bringing some of the corrupt to justice. Mr. A. Raja, ex-Telecom Minister, has been locked up in Tihar Jail and l'affaire Kalaignar TV has been exposed but the two questions on everyone's lips are: What about the role of other Ministers and bigwigs in the telecom mega scandal, which clearly goes back some years before 2007-08? And where has the rest of the money gone?

A Cabinet Minister now in the eye of the storm is Textiles Minister Dayanidhi Maran, also of the DMK. Relying on material thrown up by independent media investigations, first by The Economic Times (May 21, 2011) and then, in much greater detail, by Tehelka magazine (issue of June 4, 2011) — publications that have not been deterred by legal threats — the main opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party, has aggressively posed questions to Mr. Maran and the UPA government that can no longer be ignored. The questions relate to specific actions, policy changes, and transactions that took place during Mr. Maran's tenure as Telecom Minister (2004-07) or soon after. They focus on the sudden change of FDI norms in the telecom sector, which raised the FDI limit to 74 per cent; the consequences of this big policy change; the taking of the authority of determining the pricing of spectrum out of the purview of the Group of Ministers on the written insistence of Telecom Minister Maran; the allocation in November 2006 of 14 2-G Unified Access Services Licences for a throwaway price of Rs.1,399 crore to Aircel after the Malaysian business conglomerate, the Maxis Group, acquired a 74 per cent stake in the telecom operator; and subsequent investments by a Maxis subsidiary in Sun Direct TV Pvt Ltd and other Maran family-owned companies. The Congress spokesman's response to the effect that it is up to Mr. Maran to answer these questions, and that the Joint Parliamentary Committee could perhaps go into the issues, is the latest example of what WikiLeaks editor-in-chief Julian Assange characterised, in an interview to The Hindu, as “a habit of covering up allegations of corruption.” The questions raised by the media investigations, and by the BJP, must be answered immediately by the UPA government and the Prime Minister — and the whole matter must be speedily investigated, without fear or favour.

Keywords: Dayanidhi Maran, 2G spectrum scam, Maxis Group, UPA government




COMMENTS:
I am unable to understand when people say,"notwithstanding the Prime Minister's undisputed personal financial integrity".I have been trying,in vain,to explain to my conscience this personal financial integrity.
If by personal financial integrity you mean that Manmohan Singh has not amassed wealth disproportionate to his income,then in this country of more than a billion people there will be undoutedly millions of individuals who will have undisputed personal financial integrity.But when it comes to the Prime Minister of India that falls short of the target and only personal financial integrity counts to nothing.
Just take the example of much hyped Lokpal bill and now the government wants the PM, CJI and other ministers out of its purview.
If these are the views of Mr Manmohan Singh then he is as guilty as others and if these are not his views this country does not need a PM of such a personal financial integrity who has been reduced to nought!
from: afftab
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 00:21 IST

The guity must be punished. For too long, politicians and officials have defrauded the country of thousands of crores of rupees. Corruption has become so pervasive that many politicians belonging to the opposition are also tainted and as a result political opponents have remained largely silent.
from: krishna
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 00:47 IST

What India needs is a Prime Minister who is vibrant and vigilant, not dormant and diffident as Dr.Manmohan Singh has been. We, the citizens of India, are tired of his apologetical attitude.
from: ravi anbil
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 00:51 IST

The statements made by both Sonia Gandhi and PM are to be believed, they have to ask Dayanidhi Maran to resign and request CBI to investigate and report to the Government. If they try to delay or sidetrack the issue people will lose faith in all the investigations on 2G and other related scams.After seeing the Election results in Tamil Nadu Congress has to be very serious in dealing with Corruption otherwise they will have very difficult position in future elections.Soniaji and PM have to act boldly with out further delay.
from: Narayanan Krishnan
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 01:05 IST

As in the case of Julius Caesar’s wife Pompeia, a public servant “must be above reproach” (i.e., without even the implication of impropriety). [Caesar divorced Pompeia, who was accused of adultery. Although he stated that he believed in her innocence, he reputedly stated, “I thought my wife ought not even to be under suspicion.” In Ramayana, Rama made Sita to walk through fire to prove her innocence to the world.] Unfortunately most politicians ignore the history/epics.
from: Kanchi N. Gandhi
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 04:06 IST

When PM gives a commitment he should stand to it. Even if Mr Maran
pleads innocence he should step down to prove that.
from: G RAJENDRAN
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 05:02 IST

All the papers and magazines ( including your paper) in Tamil Nadu did not dare to write about 2G scam ! what a change
from: S M Krishnan
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 05:30 IST

A political party founded on lofty ideals of social justice in Tamil Nadu and a national party that prides itself in getting independence to the nation face an allegation of corruption day in and day out.
What has been the response from the parties concerned is an attitude of 'so what' and that is irritating to the core.
Especially the party spokesperson of the Congress (the DMK does not have one now that Kanimozhi is also in jail)'s contempt for the press persons and the people of the country when he said that it was for Maran to explain, speaks volums about the respect that these worthies have the press and the people.
Had it not been for the media and some public spirited individuals, the entire 2G scam would not have come out of the closet at all.
Let Smt.Gandhi speak-up directly probably via a press conference, instead of mouthing some empty verbiage through spokespersons, to clear the stand that the party and the government have taken on corruption.
Probably that is too much to ask.
from: Amaruvi Devanathan
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 05:36 IST

There is a definite pattern in the behaviour of Dayanidhi Maran and A.Raja with regards to allocation of spectrum , especially on the very critical pricing aspect of it. Both of them have been particular that the pricing aspect has to be out of the GOM purview and as usual took our 'Honest PM' and the Nation for good jolly ride.

It is now beyond doubt that the letter written by Maran to MMS to have the pricing out of the Cabinet decision is not born out any concern for the slow growth of the Telecom sector or in the larger public interest , but it was well-enacted plan to get investments , which can only be treated as a bribe from the Malaysian Telecom major Maxis, to the family owned Sun Group.

So, fellow Indians, be wary of any Minister working over-time or showing undue diligence and dynamism at work.
As the Editorial concludes, PM must answer the Nation now and order an enquiry which must be expressely done.In the meantime, as BJP and Ms.Jaya ,and am sure the vast majority of Indians believe, Maran must step down immediately.
from: K.S.Ranganathan
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 06:17 IST

This editorial ends with "the whole matter must be speedily investigated, without fear or favour". Let us hope the investigating agencies and the courts have this in mind and act accordingly so that justice is delivered on time. (Justice delayed is justice denied.)
from: Dr. Jai Ram
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 06:37 IST

This exercise is a sheer waste of time. Methods and means of sacking the UPA government must be found and implemented asap.If need be let us have a nation wide revolution to throw them out. It is much too much and how long can we sit and hear news about scam after scam.
from: S N IYER
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 06:43 IST

I welcome your editorial comments on the Maran episode. When the Telecom Ministry has been given to DMK, it was treated as the private property of the DMK. And the PM kept mum when improprieties were reported. Not only Maran, but also PM owes an explanation to the nation.
from: G.Naryanaswamy
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 06:58 IST

The corruption in Indian politics is at its peak. But the the judicial action against ministers like A.raja and Kanimozhi gives a little hope and make us believe that there is some hope that these corrupt ministers and other public officers will be punished.But this is a very critical time and we should have faith in democracy and Indian judicial system.
from: harish sharma
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 07:03 IST

Maran had always been serving in the interests of SUN and it is a popular joke in the public domain that he is the Minister for SUN Network and not just Telecom / Information. All policy statements ensured that SUN was the first beneficiary.
from: mouli
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 07:13 IST

What looks surprising to me is do these political leaders think that citizens of India are blind and as far as UPA government is concerned while Sonia and Manhoman ji issued bold statements it appears to be clear result of public pressure and no steps are taken in order to curb corruption.
from: Dheeraj
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:00 IST

"notwithstanding the Prime Minister's undisputed personal financial integrity"

I am finding the above assertion difficult to buy. Morality is higher than any other form of integrity, isn't it? Of what use is "personal financial integrity", when hard earned tax payer money is being swindled under this PM's watch! This is especially when less than 5% of Indian citizens pay taxes! I wish The Hindu does not condone the moral responsibility of this PM on account of his "personal this and that integrity".

Leadership has to be measured by moral responsibility of the person at the helm! Unless of course he is not at the helm and is only a proxy!
from: P.S. Swaminathan
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:01 IST

How one can believe the UPA when your partners are corrupt. Vilas Rao Deshmukh is still in your ministery even after slammed by the supreme court to drop him from the ministery. What about the politicians named in the stamp paper scam. Any action? No. It's all fuss nothing else.
from: Vasant Rao
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:05 IST

In the central government two things stand out in recent months, one is the detached attitude of congress party in its response to massive corruption under its nose. With the guilty making a beeline to the Tihar central jail Congress response has been the same "the law will take its own course"; as if to give the public a sense that the party is no way responsible for the actions of ministers under its regime. Second is how can a PRIME minister not know about the mind boggling corruption?
DMK is just a platform for like minded people whose only goal is to rob the country; tomorrow it will be another party. Indian citizens have shown that we are united when it comes to fighting this cancer and have shown it in Tamil Nadu, we can very well show it during central elections.
from: Suresh Kumar
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:05 IST

Your Editorial was good to read.In the past two years, UPA 2 has achieved only Scams ,Scandals and Corruption allegations .Among all the Political Parties our long standing (only for the name sake)Congress Party is known for its corruption attitude which has been proved in the recent Giant Episodes. Basically none of the politician has got the interest to develop the country, particularly the common man's status. Earlier Raja was telling that he is innocent,but his innocence was not accepted by the CBI.Maran is also telling the same thing after 50 hours. Will his innocence be proved? All these days people are mum, and today they wake up. Singh's administration should explain to the People of India.
K.Ragavan.
from: K.Ragavan
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:12 IST

Transparency, Accoutability and Probity, everything is seen and come to light in scams. These are the words in the dictionary and not practised by the UPA or any Govt.
from: VasantRao
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:14 IST

You say that "the whole matter must be speedily investigated, without fear or favour" ~ why? The matter has already been investigated by the CBI in 2007 itself!
from: K Raajaram
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:26 IST

A bold editorial when TV channels of Tamil Nadu are even not mentioning this news in detail.Such has been the stranglehold of SUN empire on Tamil Nadu media.
It also transpires that Maran tweaked the very rules which were thrown at Aircel under Sivasankaran, after he sold the company to Maxis. Hindustan Times has brought this information.
It is refreshing to note that Hindu has been in the forefront of the anti- corruption crusade in the 2G scam.
It would be interesting to note any Wikileaks on 2G scam-Can the Hindu bring it out to the public domain?
from: Sankar
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:34 IST

I am at a loss to understand why the UPA continues to involve itself in the cover-up tactics in sale of 2G spectrum allocation? When the silence of the Congress party brings more doubt on the shadow deal. The PM is seen nowhere when the nation is facing a battalion of controversies. PM's silence sounds bad.
from: Sravana Ramachandran
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 08:38 IST

Mr Maran is a highly literate individual & will surely understand the word "nexus". Under Indian Judicial System, a person is innocent until proved guilty {beyond all reasonable doubt}. But, in this instance there are nothing but doubts and Mr Maran's explanation/s sound very very weak. IE carries a news item stating that the jilted party has already given some statements to CBI under the advice of his American Counsel; the dealys of over 2 years in - finally - not allotting the Telecom Licences to AIRCEL, the 100% owner then selling off his 100% shareholding to a foreign party {74%} & local investors {26%}, then - hey presto - the Telecom Licences of not only the circles asked for BUT 7 additional circles to the same AIRCEL but under different owners, within a very short period, that 74% owner investing Rs. 800 or 700 or 600 Crores in a SUN TV group company, Mr maran now claiming that he is not a shareholder in any group company etc., are events that dwarfs the Rs. 214 Crore l'affaire Kalaignar TV scam that has already put several top persons behind the Tihar Jail Bars! Dr Manmohan Singh has to take the call - NOW - and the least he can do is to ask for Maran's resignation till Mr maran is tested under the judicial process & found guilty OR OTHERWISE. Any delay here citing coalition dharma will severly impinge upon "the Prime Minister's undisputed personal financial integrity" - your phrases here!!
from: R RAJAGOPAL
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 09:25 IST

Will anyone believe that the PM and his cabinet were not involved in (1)the sudden change of FDI norms in the telecom sector, which raised the FDI limit to 74 per cent (2) the taking away of the authority of determining the pricing of spectrum from the purview of the Group of Ministers on the written insistence of Telecom Minister Maran and (3)the allocation in November 2006 of 14 2-G Unified Access Services Licences for a throwaway price of Rs.1,399 crore to Aircel? Not only Minister Maran but also the PM on behalf of himself and his government has to explain how all this happened. Unless convincing answers are forthcoming from him, one doesn't have to explain what conclusion the public will come to on the murky affair.
from: K.Vijayakumar
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 09:34 IST

“ The questions raised by the media investigations, and by the BJP, must be answered immediately by the UPA government and the Prime Minister — and the whole matter must be speedily investigated, without fear or favour.”

Noble expectations! But no such thing will happen from the present Government.

In 1931, speaking in the House of Commons of Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald, Winston Churchill recounted how, as a child, he had been:

taken to the celebrated Barnum's Circus which contained an exhibition of freaks and monstrosities, but the exhibit on the programme which I most desired to see was the one described as "The Boneless Wonder." My parents judged that that spectacle would be too revolting and demoralizing for my youthful eyes, and I have waited fifty years to see the boneless wonder sitting on the Treasury Bench.

Today we can see the new boneless wonder in the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh. He is universally acclaimed as upright man. But it does not mean being upright he will do no damage. If l'affaire Raja is any indication, he will do all he can to defend the indefensible.
from: N.G. Krishnan
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 10:00 IST

Another great piece of ediotorial and all along I have been under the false impression that somehow The Hindu which was forefront in exposing the Bofors scam about 25 years back,has not been aggressive in doing its investigative part in reporting let alone unearthing the huge 2G scam, but today I stand corrected in my view. Mr.Maran should come clean by subjecting himself to the due proceedings instead of gagging the media through empty legal notices. The PM on his part, should forthwith ask for Mr.Maran's resignation given the degree of improbity allegedly indulged in by Mr.Maran in the allocation of spectrum to Maxis company.
from: Venkat
Posted on: Jun 2, 2011 at 10:17 IST

JPC inquiry should be held to uncover truth about benefits to Maran's family businesses in Chennai when Maran was Telecom minister.
from: kaveri
Posted on: Jun 3, 2011 at 14:54 IST

You folks think 2G is the biggest nationwide scandal "un-earthed" ever? That may be true, but if we take out "un-earthed", welcome to TN politics. In my fantasy, if I count the loss to exchequer because of AIADMK and DMK's perpetual administrations, I would be running out of numbers in mainframes. Of course I don't have proof for any of that, but as an ordinary middle-class citizen, I know how much bribe is expected to get each thing done in TN. Common things like vehicle licensing, traffic violations, passport administration, ration shops (despite the recent claim by Hon. Chief minister), real estate are no exceptions.
But as always, who am I and what change could I possibly bring in? Think this is height of frustration? Welcome to my world.
from: Bharani
Posted on: Jun 3, 2011 at 15:42 IST

The Hindu : News / National : Did Sun Network benefit from pay-offs during Maran's tenure as Telecom Minister, asks BJP

The Hindu : News / National : Did Sun Network benefit from pay-offs during Maran's tenure as Telecom Minister, asks BJP

rregularities, if any, can be looked into JPC: Congress
The UPA government on Tuesday faced fresh attack from the Opposition on corruption when the BJP asked Textiles Minister Dayanidhi Maran to answer charges that his family-owned Sun TV Network was a beneficiary of pay-offs by a Malaysian company, which benefited from equity sold by Aircel.

“There are new scandals in the UPA government everyday. A new scandal is on the verge of being exposed. The cupboard of corruption of the UPA is overflowing and more skeletons are dying to come out,” BJP chief spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad said reacting to a media report in this regard.

Incidentally, Mr. Maran had a lengthy meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Monday night after a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs.

Mr. Prasad alleged that during Mr. Maran's tenure as Telecom Minister there were some financial anomalies, which benefited companies owned by his family. “We know Maran's family owns the Sun TV Network which also has direct-to-home service. During his tenure as Telecom Minister the FDI norm was changed and the telecom sector FDI norm was increased to 74 per cent. Aircel, a telecom company which only had a licence for Tamil Nadu, later got licence for 14 new areas,” Mr. Prasad said.

The BJP alleged that 74 per cent stake in Aircel was purchased by a Malaysian company, Maxis Communication, when Mr. Maran was Telecom Minister. “Mr. Maran, will you please explain if Maxis Communication company has made any investment in [the] Sun DTH company or any other of your family-owned companies? Secondly, was this investment done through Astro Group company, which is a subsidiary of Maxis Communication,” Mr. Prasad asked.

He also sought to know whether the investment made in Sun Network by Maxis Communication was done after the latter bought 74 per cent equity of Aircel.

“He should also clarify if in any way a foreign investor has invested in Sun Network when Mr. Maran was a Minister. Is there a conflict of interest here or not? As a responsible Opposition party, we are raising important questions purely in national interest,” Mr. Prasad said.

He also asked Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to clarify his position on the issue.

“As you all know, the authority of determining the pricing of spectrum was taken out of the purview of the Group of Ministers on the insistence of Dayanidhi Maran,” Mr. Prasad said.

Mr. Prasad maintained that instead of threatening the BJP, Mr. Maran should answer these queries with proper documentary proof.

He insisted that the consequences of the change in FDI were well-known.

“Earlier, the Prime Minister said on October 26, 2009, that A. Raja is innocent when the CBI had started the inquiry [into 2G spectrum allocation]. We would request Manmohan Singh to learn from his past mistakes. Some questions are being raised. Please reply to them,” Mr. Prasad said.

Mr. Prasad said that if Mr. Maran had “misused his dominant position” as a Minister, his actions would come under the Prevention of Corruption Act. He wondered why the routing of slush money was increasingly being done by companies owned by DMK leaders, be it Kalaignar TV (in which Kanimozhi has a 20 per cent stake) or the Sun Network.

However, the Congress washed its hands of the controversy surrounding Mr. Maran. “If a question has been asked from Textiles Minister Dayanidhi Maran, obviously he will be the best person to answer it,” party spokesman Manish Tewari told reporters in reply to a volley of questions on the issue.

At the same time, Mr. Tewari indicated that irregularities, if any, during Mr. Maran's tenure could be looked into by the Joint Parliamentary Committee, which was looking into the 2G spectrum allocation scam. Mr. Tewari is also a member of the JPC.

Mr. Tewari said there was already a JPC to deal with “aberrations and irregularities, if any, that might have taken place. The JPC has been given the mandate by Parliament to examine the alleged irregularities in Telecom sector since 1999 to 2008.”

Replying to questions whether the JPC should look into allegations against Mr. Maran and whether he should appear before it, Mr. Tewari said the panel could go into the issue on its own or after any complaint “obviously if the thing appears in public space and if the JPC requires.”

Asked when A. Raja had resigned after similar allegations why should Mr. Maran continue, Mr. Tiwari said: “I have said what I have to say.”

Meanwhile, Mr. Maran slapped a legal notice on Tehelka magazine over a report in this regard.

Keywords: Dayanidhi Maran, Aircel licence, Maxis Communication, telecom FDI

The Hindu : News / National : It was Maran who transferred GoM powers to himself: Joshi

The Hindu : News / National : It was Maran who transferred GoM powers to himself: Joshi

“Changed policies to benefit Aircel, whose new buyer invested in Sun TV network”
Public Accounts Committee chairperson Murli Manohar Joshi on Friday accused Dayanidhi Maran of transferring all powers of the Group of Ministers to the Telecom Minister during his tenure and then changing policies to benefit Aircel, whose new buyer allegedly invested in his family-owned Sun TV network.

“Several documents were changed and it was accepted. All the powers that must have vested with the group of ministers were transferred to the Telecom Department. That is how the whole thing started,” Dr. Joshi told reporters here.

Dr. Joshi was examining the 2G spectrum allocation issue as PAC chairperson and submitted a report on April 30 in the mid of stiff opposition from the Congress, SP and BSP members.

The BJP, which had till now made A. Raja the main target of its attacks for anomalies in the 2G scam, has hit out at Mr. Maran in the wake of allegations that his family-owned Sun Direct TV received investments from Maxis Communications, a Malaysian company which had benefited from Aircel.

“Maran started a big correspondence for getting the terms of references changed and separating the pricing of the spectrum. He was the one who took away the power from the Group of Ministers to look into the various aspects of allocation of spectrum and policy of pricing,” Dr. Joshi said.

Dr. Joshi questioned how Mr. Maran had changed the policy.

He seemed to absolve Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of most of the responsibility of this wrongdoing, saying he may not have been aware of things due to this change.

“In my opinion, if at that very moment something should have been seriously thought about, then perhaps this serious issue could have been solved...I can't say if it would have happened or not, but at least the Prime Minister and others would have understood why it was being done.”

Sack Maran: BJP

Meanwhile, the BJP has demanded that Dr. Singh sack Mr. Maran if he did not resign on his own in the wake of allegations of a quid pro quo in awarding spectrum to Aircel.

“Maran has no right to continue. There are clear evidences that when the Malaysian company made the investment he was the Minister,” BJP spokesman Prakash Javadekar said.

Briefing reporters on resolutions adopted at the party's national executive meet, he said the BJP demanded action against all influential people involved in scams and corruption cases of the UPA government.

Terming the 2G as the biggest scam, he said the Opposition has had to take a tough stand, due to the ‘adamant attitude of the government.'

“Even the Supreme Court had to ask why silence was maintained. It's a conspiracy of silence and culpability of indifference,” he alleged, questioning why UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi did not speak on the corruption issue.

The BJP spokesman also alleged that a scam worth Rs. 85,000 crore in the Coal Ministry had been committed when the department was held by the Prime Minister.

He alleged that the government's attitude on the 2G scam was not to check corruption, but to cover it up.

Keywords: PAC Chairman, Murli Manohar Joshi, 2G spectrum allocation, 2G spectrum scam, Dayanidhi Maran, Sun TV network

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